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香港托派领袖区龙宇表示,香港本土主义是排外的种族主义 [复制链接]

Rank: 9Rank: 9Rank: 9

发表于 2019-8-4 03:59:41 |显示全部楼层

The protest movement has sparked more discussions in Hong Kong about the special region’s relationship with mainland China, with the so-called “localists” — who view the mainland with contempt — playing a prominent role. What are their politics, and how influential are they in the protest movement?



ALY

Western mainstream media outlets tend to view the Hong Kong localists in a positive way, seeing them as democratic fighters against Beijing. Yet the picture is far more complicated. The Chinese term “localism,” when first adopted by social movements, was used by people who were broadly leftist. However, it is the right wing that has grown bigger and bigger. These localists are more like nativists — very xenophobic.

Several years before the Umbrella Movement, this current began to gain a following among young people. Their spokespersons were Raymond Wong and scholar Chin Wan-kan. Together with Raymond Wong’s apprentice, Wong Yeung-tat, they constituted a xenophobic trio. Their actions in the occupation area consisted of silencing the voices of other democrats, using violence or the threat of violence, making racist statements about Chinese people (calling them “locusts” that should be removed), and attacking Mainland Chinese immigrants in Hong Kong for supposedly stealing government welfare.

The xenophobia trio also ferociously attacked the HKFS (Hong Kong Federation of Students) during the Umbrella Movement. On October 12, following the call of Chin Wan-kan, the localists went to Mong Kok to disrupt the HKFS street forum. That this later developed into the destruction of its stages, attacks on its pickets, and eventually the dismantling of the HKFS is not surprising.

The xenophobic trio packaged itself as more radical than other currents. Their slogan was “HKFS does not represent us,” and they opposed all signs or symbols of leadership: stages, flags, and attempts to convene an assembly. They were especially keen on calling for chaidatai, or “dismantling the stage,” and put it into practice whenever the HKFS held a discussion forum with a stage.

Probably because they were too crude, the trio all lost in the 2016 election, but a younger generation of xenophobic localists was elected, such as Youngspiration. The latter, although a bit more sophisticated, inherited the basic idea of the trio. Their idea of “dismantling the stage” has also influenced the young generation in the anti–China extradition bill campaign, where young radicals favor a “leaderless” movement with “no central stage giving orders.”

There is support for this right-wing localist current among certain social strata. In April 2016, two years after the occupation, one study found that the “localists” enjoyed 8.4 percent support, with that number higher among youth between eighteen and twenty-nine.

Still, people favoring the term “localism” do not have the same interpretation of what it means. The anti–extradition bill movement exhibits many fewer xenophobic tendencies than the Umbrella Movement. This is probably because the old trio is seen as out of fashion, and localists like the Youngspiration have seen their two legislators disqualified by the government and fallen into inactivity since then, leaving today’s young radicals largely on their own. Even if some exhibit prejudice toward Mainland Chinese, this hasn’t been crystalized into a political program or project. So instead of criticizing from the outside, the Left should get involved and try to win the young people over.




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Rank: 9Rank: 9Rank: 9

发表于 2019-8-4 04:01:32 |显示全部楼层
以上文字引自区龙宇接受美国《雅各宾》杂志的采访:

https://www.jacobinmag.com/2019/ ... 7rzIgP8M8Lxju1MUi4Q

不过,区龙宇一方面承认香港本土主义实际上是排外的种族主义,是极右,一方面是企图淡化排外本土主义在香港此次运动中的影响

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Rank: 8Rank: 8

发表于 2019-8-4 05:28:45 |显示全部楼层
本帖最后由 龙翔五洲 于 2019-8-4 05:33 编辑

将该文翻译如下:


抗议活动在香港引发了更多有关香港与中国内地关系的讨论,而所谓的“地方主义者”——他们对大陆持轻蔑态度——在其中扮演着重要角色。他们的政治主张是什么?他们在抗议运动中有多大影响力?

阿里

西方主流媒体倾向于正面看待香港本土主义者,将他们视为反对北京的民主战士。然而,情况要复杂得多。中国的“地方主义”一词最初被社会运动采用时,被广泛的左派人士使用。然而,右翼却变得越来越大。这些本土主义者更像本土主义者——非常排外。

在“雨伞运动”的几年前,这股潮流就开始在年轻人中流行起来。他们的发言人是黄立文(音,下同)和学者秦万勤(音)。他们与黄永达的徒弟黄永达组成了仇外三人组。他们在占领地区的行动包括压制其他民主党人的声音,使用暴力或以暴力相威胁,对中国人发表种族主义言论(称他们为“蝗虫”,应该予以清除),以及攻击在香港的中国内地移民,称他们窃取了政府福利。

“雨伞运动”期间,仇外三人亦猛烈抨击香港学生联会。10月12日,应陈婉侃的呼吁,本地人士前往旺角,干扰“香港金融时报街论坛”。这后来发展为摧毁其舞台,攻击其纠察队,并最终拆除香港金融中心,这并不令人意外。

这三股排外势力把自己包装成比其他势力更为激进的团体。他们的口号是“香港金融管理局不代表我们”,他们反对所有的标志或领导的象征:舞台、旗帜和召集集会的企图。他们尤其热衷于呼吁“拆台”,并在香港金融管理局举行有舞台的论坛时付诸实施。

也许是因为他们太粗鲁,这三人在2016年的选举中都失败了,但年轻一代的排外本土主义者当选了,比如扬腾。后者虽然略显复杂,但继承了三人组的基本思想。他们“拆台”的想法也影响了反华引渡法案运动中的年轻一代。在反华引渡法案运动中,年轻的激进分子倾向于“没有领导”的运动,“没有中央舞台发号施令”。

这种右翼的地方主义思潮在某些社会阶层中得到了支持。2016年4月,也就是被占领两年后,一项研究发现,“本土主义者”获得了8.4%的支持,在18岁至29岁的年轻人中,这一比例更高。

然而,支持“地方主义”一词的人对它的含义没有相同的解释。反引渡法案运动显示出的仇外倾向要比雨伞运动少得多。这可能是因为老的三巨头被认为已经过时了,像扬腾这样的地方主义者已经看到他们的两名立法委员被政府取消了资格,从那时起就陷入了停滞状态,使得今天的年轻激进分子基本上只能靠自己了。即使有些人对中国大陆人表现出偏见,这也没有被转化为一个政治计划或项目。因此,左派不应该从外部批评,而是应该参与进来,争取年轻人的支持。


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Rank: 3Rank: 3

发表于 2019-8-4 08:17:52 |显示全部楼层
感谢龙翔五洲的翻译。

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