革命与反革命，1917—2017

注释：

1. Karl Marx and Frederick Engels, ”Preface to the Second Russian edition of the Manifesto of the Communist Party” , in Teodor Shanin, ed., Late Marx and the Russian Road (New York: Monthly Review Press, 1983), 138–39.

2. 地缘政治学的分析在此不同于大多数的世界体系理论，是关注于如荷兰、英国、美国，数个霸权国家之中，在世界经济的本质上是相同的，并否认资本主义垄断阶段的独特性。

3. 对于历史上，从零星迸发的，到一九八○年代以来的革命浪潮，可参见L. S. Stavrianos,Global Rift: The third world Comes of Age (New York: Morrow, 1981).

4. Frederick Engels,The Condition of the Working Class in England(Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1993), 324; V. I. Lenin,Imperialism, the Highest State of Capitalism(Moscow: Progress Publishers, 1939),13–14, 106–08. 对于第三世界革命的转变，以及对马克思主义理论的影响，可参见Paul M. Sweezy,Modern Capitalism and Other Essays(New York: Monthly Review Press, 1972), 147–65.

5. Eric Hobsbawm,The Age of Extremes (New York: Vintage, 1994), 585.

6. R. Koebner and H. D. Schmidt, Imperialism: The Story and Significance of a Political Word, 1840–1960(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1965), 175.

7. E. J. Hobsbawm, Industry and Empire (London: Penguin, 1969), 172–93.

8. Charles A. “Conant, The Economic Basis of Imperialism”,North American Review 167, no. 502 (1898): 326–40.

9. Ratzel quoted in Robert Strausz-Hupé,Geopolitics: The Struggle for Space and Power (New York: Putnam, 1942), 31.

10. Halford Mackinder, Democratic Ideals and Reality (New York: Holt, 1919), 1–2.

11. Halford Mackinder, “The Round World and the Winning of the Peace”, Foreign Affairs 21, no. 4 (1943): 601.

12. MacKinder, Democratic Ideals and Reality, 186.

13. Brian W. Blouet, Halford Mackinder (College Station, TX: Texas A&M University Press, 1987), 172–77.

14. Thorstein Veblen, Essays in Our Changing Order (New York: Viking, 1943), 464.

15. Christopher Hitchens, “Chamberlain: Collusion, Not Appeasement”, Monthly Review 46, no. 8 (January 1995): 44–55; Clement Leibovitz,The Chamberlain-Hitler Deal (Edmonton, CA: Éditions Duval, 1995).

16. Nicholas John Spykman,America’s Strategy in World Politics (New York: Harcourt, Brace, 1942), 19, 458–60;Geography of Peace (New York: Harcourt, Brace, 1944), 43, 57.

17. Halford Mackinder, “The Round World and the Winning of the Peace”, 598.

18. Noam Chomsky, “The Cold War and the Superpowers”, Monthly Review 33, no. 6 (November 1981): 1–10; Gabriel Kolko,The Politics of War (New York: Random House, 1968).

19. See John Bellamy Foster, “The New Geopolitics of Empire”, Monthly Review 57, no. 8 (January 2006): 9–14.

20. John Bellamy Foster, Naked Imperialism (New York: Monthly Review Press, 2006).

21. See Foster, “The New Geopolitics of Empire”, 9–12; Diana Johnstone, “Doomsday Postponed?” in Paul H. Johnstone, From MAD to Madness: Inside Pentagon Nuclear War Planning (Atlanta, GA: Clarity, 2017), 275–77.

22. Zbigniew Brzezinski, The Grand Chessboard: American Primacy and Its Geostrategic Imperatives (New York: Basic, 1997), 3, 10, 30–39.

23. Richard N. Haass, “The New Thirty Years War”, Project Syndicate, July 21, 2014, http://project-syndicate.org.

24. General Wesley K. Clark,Don’t Wait for the Next War (New York: PublicAffairs, 2014), 37–40.

25. Putin quoted in Johnstone, “Doomsday Postponed?” 277

26. Samuel P. Huntington,The Clash of Civilizations (New York: Simon and Schuster, 2011).

27. Johnstone, “Doomsday Postponed?” 275.

28. Johnstone, “Doomsday Postponed?” 278–84; Keir A. Lieber and Daryl G. Press, ”The New Era of Nuclear Weapons, Deterrence, and Conflict”, Strategic Studies Quarterly 7, no. 1 (2013): 3–14, “The Rise of U.S. Nuclear Primacy”, Foreign Affairs 85, no. 2 (2016): 42–54; Hans M. Kristensen, Matthew McKenzie, and Theodore A. Potsoi, “How US Nuclear Force Modernization is Undermining Strategic Stability: The Burst-Height Compensating Super-Fuze”, Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists, March 1, 2017.

29. 投掷原子弹是一项地缘政治考虑远多于军事决策的行动，因为当时日本已经提出要进行投降的谈判。然而，为了阻挡俄罗斯在亚洲的扩展，以及标帜美国巨大的军事力量，美国正寻求一个立即，且能使敌人无条件投降的方案。美军的陆军与海军高阶将领，在当时都反对使用原子弹来制裁日本。如同黛安娜‧约翰斯顿（Diana Johnstone）所评论的：「（投掷原子弹）的目的并非军事的，其效用也非军事的」。See Diana Johnstone, “The Dangerous Seduction of Absolute Power”, in Johnstone, ed.,From MAD to Madness, 15–30; Gar Alperovitz,The Decision to Use the Atomic Bomb (New York: Vintage, 1996).

30. Johnstone, “Doomsday Postponed?” 278–84; Cohn Hallinan, “These Nuclear Breakthroughs Are Endangering the World”, Foreign Policy in Focus, April 26, 2017.

31. Lenin,Imperialism, 91.

32. 在这些美国主导战争下，其周边地区造成伤亡的，更多是无辜的平民。see John Tirman,The Deaths of Others: The Fate of Civilians in America’s Wars (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2011), 316–36. On the history of U.S. military interventions from 1945 through the 1980s, see Gabriel Kolko,Confronting the Third World (New York: Pantheon, 1988).

33. 这部分的叙述来自Monthly Review 68, no. 6 (November 2016) 内页的「编辑笔记」 see Missy Ryan, “A Reminder of the Permanent Wars”, Washington Post, September 8, 2016; Micah Zenko, “How Many Bombs Did the United States Drop in 2015?” Council on Foreign Relations blog, January 7, 2016, http://blogs.cfr.org; Tom Engelhardt, “You Must Be Kidding: The Exasperating, Never-Ending Sprawl of American Empire”, In These Times, September 23, 2016.

34. Lenin,Imperialism, 9–14.

35. Harry Magdoff and Paul M. Sweezy, “Peaceful Transition to Socialism?” Monthly Review 22, no. 8 (January 1971): 1–18; “Notes from the Editors, ”Monthly Review 22, no. 7 (December 1970): inside covers.

36. Ian C. D. Moffat,The Allied Intervention in Russia, 1918–1920 (London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2015).

37. See Stephen Cohen, “The Breakup of the Soviet Union Ended Russia’s March to Democracy”, Guardian, December 12, 2006; Moshe Lewin,The Soviet Century(London: Verso, 2005), 348, 385; Samir Amin,Russia and the Long Transition from Capitalism to Socialism (New York: Monthly Review Press, 2016), 57–58; Paul M. Sweezy,Post-Revolutionary Society (New York: Monthly Review Press, 1980), 113–33.

38. Harry Magdoff and Paul M. Sweezy, “Perestroika and the Future of Socialism”, Monthly Review 41, no. 10 (March 1990): 1–13 and 41, no. 11 (April 1990): 1–7. 苏联在生产可能性曲线上的运作，是依赖全部的产能生产，当如同美国的垄断资本主义经济在生产可能性曲线之下运行，则伴随大量闲置的产能。这意味者苏联过往总是面对着在「大炮与奶油」之间做选择，但美式经济则有能力同时发展大炮与奶油──而且因为有更多的大炮，才有更多的奶油。这样的理解是建立在「军事凯因斯主义」上，美国在军事凯因斯主义之中所扮演的脚色，就是迫使苏联进行损伤式的军事发展, see John Bellamy Foster, Hannah Holleman, and Robert W. McChesney, “The U.S. Imperial Triangle and Military Spending,” Monthly Review 60, no. 5 (October 2008): 2–9.

39. 戈尔巴乔夫的改革使得苏维埃国家崩解，但却是叶尔钦打出致命的一击，甚至可以说是民主议会下的武装政变，让西方资本家为此而喝采

40. 实际上也确实如此，许多查维兹革命性的观点，如同他经常提到包含苏联方面，是来自米萨罗斯（Mészáros）对于「资本主义系统」的批判，参见István Mészáros, Beyond Capital (New York: Monthly Review Press, 1995).

41. See Amin, Russia and the Long Transition.

42. See John Bellamy Foster, “Trump and Climate Catastrophe”, Monthly Review68, no. 9 (February 2017): 1–17; “Neofascism in the White House”, Monthly Review68, no. 11 (April 2017): 1–30.

43. Georg Lukács,The Destruction of Reason(London: Merlin, 1980).

44. Frederick Engels,Germany: Revolution and Counter-Revolution (New York: International Publishers, 1969), 9–10.中译文出自《马克思恩格斯选集》第一卷，〈德国的革命与反革命〉，页500-501（北京，人民出版社，1972）。

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